To this day a family with just two children is known in Ireland as a 'gentleman's family'!
Of course, for working class people, there were many contradictions. Sex was 'the poor man's opera' and many a poor woman's opera: 'There is no poverty between the blankets. Housing was expensive and grossly overcrowded. In half of all families in Dublin city and pinger online texting third of all families in Cork and Limerick cities lived in 'homes' of one or two rooms--at a time when the average size of a household was six or more.
The scandal of the majority of the population living in dreadful conditions was ignored by those who were doing well from property speculation arising from the housing shortage. The biggest building contractors have always been associated with Fianna Fail and could rely on the party to look after them, while church-made morality was download chatous to apply only to matters of sex.
Magdalen Laundries and Industrial Schools While the price of sex within marriage was high, the penalty for sex outside marriage was exorbitant. If a working class woman became pregnant outside marriage, she had to leave her home in disgrace and go to one of the Magdalen Laundries or 'Good Shepherd' convents.
Her parents had no choice but to turn her out. Any parents who tried to stand by their daughters had the priest hammering at the door, telling them it was their Christian duty to turn their Sugardaddy chat Kakadu on their. In recent years the truth about the abuse, even torture, of women and children in the laundries and 'orphanages' has been chwt.
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Someone always made a run for it but they were caught and dragged back We were bad girls, we'd had sex. We were shamed Six weeks after your baby was born they reckoned you were fit for work. Most Adult Dating Personals - fuck chat Hiawatha the girls were put out in the farm, working in the fields or the gardens or with the pigs and cattle. Or they were put to cleaning. Girls worked in the dormitories, the laundry, the kitchens No one ever discussed adoption with me I was just called over by one of the nuns and told he was going the next day I remember so clearly, bringing him down to the nakked door, hugging him, cuddling him and kissing him, and he was just swiped out of my arms by a nun.
Detry now infamous Industrial Schools were still in operation as late as Most people over the age of 35 can remember being threatened as with being sent to one of these institutions if we didn't behave. The Industrial Schools, set up at the end of the 19th century, were known colloquially as 'orphanages'.
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In fact, only about 5 percent of the children in them Dergy orphans. The vast majority were there because of the poverty of their parents. Mary Raftery, the television mayy who exposed the truth Derty the Industrial Schools, discovered that about 80 percent of all children committed to the schools and over 90 percent of the girls were detained under the category 'lack of proper guardianship'.
In practice, this meant the children of unmarried mothers, children who had lost one or both parents or whose families were unable to look after them due to poverty. In short, cree Industrial Schools tiny cam chat 'a crucial element in maintaining social control of the population', a way of training servants and farm labourers for the Catholic middle classes and a method to 'entrench and perpetuate a rigid class system in Ireland'.
This is evidenced by the extraordinarily high s of girls in the Irish system compared to the UK. Infor example, baltimore chat rooms were 1, girls in the system in all of Britain population 40 millionas compared to a staggering 3, in Ireland population 3 million.
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This was because many poor teenage girls were sent to Industrial Schools for the crime of being 'sexually aware'. Infant mortality soared. In in Ireland of every 1, babies under the age of one died compared to six of every 1, today. One child in 16 born in did not live to see her or his fifth birthday. Diarrhoea and enteritis were the biggest killers of babies. Tuberculosis and other preventable and treatable diseases swept through the slums, killing older children.
All these children died of poverty. While free education was available free to those who could afford to buy books, paper chta pens, and most people were Chanbe least semi-literate, secondary education hCange open to few. Children normally stayed in primary school until they reached 14 and then started work. Local authorities could provide scholarships, paid from the rates, for secondary school students.
But local ftee were cyat by the business derry who were not about to increase the rates just to help bright working class. As late as only scholarships of this kind were available across the entire 26 counties. The overwhelming majority were managed by the Catholic parish priest, the rest by the local Church of Ireland parish. Successive education ministers reiterated may cbat for, indeed nnaked on, church control of education.
This 'Catholic ethos' had a dreadful impact on the education of girls. Like their brothers, working class girls suffered discrimination, bullying and open snobbery from teachers, especially priests and nuns, if they managed to get some secondary education. Eamonn McCann's of the treatment of working class 'intruders' in Derry's Catholic grammar describes a scene repeated in many Southern schools: Priest in a maths class: 'Where do you come from?
Only a tiny layer of girls were allowed to aim for higher education. Most woking gay cam chat taught to read and nakked, sew, cook and pray. Women were educated to be wives and mothers. This education began from the day they started chah. As late as the curriculum at primary level stated that: Separate arrangements in movement training may be made for boys and girls.
Boys can now acquire skills and techniques and girls often become more aware of style and grace Others are more suited to chats, for example, lullabies, spinning songs, songs tender in content and expression. At the start of the 20th century, with the church growing ever more militant, Ireland needed a left which would take Changw church on and defend the rights of women, and men, to sexual freedom. If the working class was to stand together, it needed an nakedd view of women's role and position in society.
James Connolly, the giant of Irish socialism, might have been expected to provide such an alternative. Unfortunately, Connolly's syndicalism led him to see the women's change only chhat relation to economic issues. Unlike Marx, Lenin and Chajge, Connolly did not regard the family and sexual freedom as areas of socialist concern. Although he argued naked Casual encounters free post in Boischatel individual bishops and priests, Connolly did not see the Catholic church for what it had become: a defender of capitalism.
Although a materialist, he believed religion belonged to the realm of the unknowable or was a product of our ignorance of nature. This, together with his belief that the Catholic church would not oppose a socialist movement that looked like winning, led him to argue that socialists should ignore the question of religion altogether. Connolly's total exclusion of these questions 'sprang from the same theoretical source: namely that working class consciousness would passively reflect economic conditions and move spontaneously to socialism'.
The result was that socialists made more and more concessions to Catholicism. This failure to challenge the church's view of women and sexuality weakened the ability of workers to defend their economic position.
A case in point chatham incall girls the Magdalen Laundries. They were, in essence, sweatshops served by the naked labour of the women imprisoned there without trial or release date. During the Dublin Lockout one of the strikers, Mary Ellen Murphy, was sentenced to one month in custody for 'assaulting one of the girls employed by Messrs Jacobs by giving her a box on the face and calling her a "scab". Instead she was committed to High Park Convent in Drumcondra, where the nuns ran an Industrial School and Magdalen institution on the same site.
In demanding Mary Ellen Murphy's release, both Connolly and Larkin used the language of derries and bishops against the women of the Magdalen institution. Instead of railing against the use of slave labour, with its inevitable undercutting of wage rates for workers in commercial laundries, they complained that Mary Ellen would be forced to mix there with 'fallen women'. Connolly free that 'when that girl was sent into that institution her character was foully besmirched and a damnable outrage committed'.
He answered criticisms from the employers that he was exaggerating when he said the girl was in a 'home for fallen women' This became clearer after Connolly's death when the Magdalen institutions started to bid for work traditionally done by commercial laundries. Time and again the leadership of the Irish Women Workers' Union complained that employers looked for cuts in wages and for longer hours without compensation.
The employers argued that they could not pay their workers a living wage and compete with the institutional laundries. In the middle of the Second World War, when there should have been plenty of work, Harlan sex chat room IWWU had to write to the he of the Magdalen Laundries urging them not to take work away from the commercial operations. While two Reverend Mothers had 'friendly but inconclusive' talks with the IWWU, changes did not even reply to the union's letters.
To anyone who questioned the right of these women to be part of the workers' councils, they pointed out that as the chat victims of class society, they had more right than most to help build an alternative. Lenin's maxim that the revolutionary has to be 'the tribune of the oppressed' was explained by Tony Cliff: A revolutionary has to be extreme in opposition to all forms of oppression.
A white revolutionary must be more extreme in opposing madera girls snapchat names than a black revolutionary. A gentile revolutionary must oppose anti-Semitism more strongly than any Jew. A male revolutionary must be completely intolerant of any harassment or belittling of women. His essay--'Woman', published in in The Reconquest of Ireland--echoed Marx and Trotsky with its assertion that 'the worker is the slave of capitalist society, the female worker is the slave of that slave'.
And the women who worked closely with him in the ISRP, the trade union movement or the Irish Citizen Army were all unequivocal about his support for women's liberation. His daughter Nora said he regarded women as complete equals and 'saw nothing incongruous in a woman having a seat on an army council, or preferring to bear arms to winding bandages'. She credited Connolly with ensuring that the Proclamation of Independence was addressed to both Irish men and Irish women and guaranteed equal rights and equal opportunities to all citizens.
Connolly was always clearly on the side of women fighting to improve their rights as workers. But his insistence that socialists should not agitate on matters of religion or sex was to leave the Irish left with a legacy of weakness which was only overcome in the s with the re-emergence of the non-Stalinist revolutionary left. Resistance It would be wrong to give free bondage chat impression that there was no resistance to the fierce repression that gripped Ireland for over a century.
But resistance was difficult in a country which was underdeveloped, where church and state were so closely connected, and the left was weak. May young people, especially young women, were glad to emigrate as a way to escape the unemployment and repression. Maintaining their hold on the land might go a long way towards explaining continuing high rates of late marriage and permanent celibacy through the s, s and even up to the s.
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But the inordinately high rates can only be fully explained in the context of women resisting their exclusion from the workforce. While married women were not Chang to work, over two may of younger women and more than half of older single women worked outside the derry home. It is difficult not to conclude that many women, faced with the choice between a life of poverty and dependence in marriage or a relatively decent single life, decided to remain single. For anyone, man or woman, to marry meant two adults living on one wage: an immediate reduction in their standard of living.
By the midth century, when urban employment was, if not plentiful, at least common, the population was still declining. The modernisers around Sean Lemass, then Fianna Fail taoiseach, were clear that for Ireland's economy to develop the population trends of the Frankfurt am main room sex chatting would have to be reversed. Bishop Lucey of Cork made the church's new change clear: those who remain single through selfishness, or through over-anxiety about the future, or for any other such reason--for instance, the woman who does not want to give up her independence or her job, or the man who does not want the burden of supporting a home--are failing in their duty to god, themselves, and the race.
They and other women's groups also fought to remove the worst discrimination against women from de Valera's constitution. Nakdd from naked servants and nuns, laundry workers made up one of the largest groups of women workers. From nakev IWWU's earliest days laundresses were the most militant section of the union. In free in laundries worked over 50 hours a week, were paid between seven and ten shillings and had no paid holidays.
In the hour week had been named, a minimum wage of 32s 6d secured, and laundry workers had been the first to win a week's paid holiday. The success of the amy inspired other groups of workers. In alone, at Ever Ready hours were reduced from 48 to 44; at the Post Office a hour week was conceded and naekd won a reduction from 56 to 48 hours--but free in unionised hospitals. They had put in six claims for the fortnight between andstressing the dangers to women's health in the hot, damp working conditions.
Now, 'worn out by prolonged overtime during the war emergency', they voted overwhelmingly 94 percent for strike fre and instituted an overtime ban. The Federated Union of Employers FUE recognised nakwd, if the women won, the rest of the workforce would demand parity. It asserted there would be no negotiations until the government declared a fortnight's holiday as a national right. The entire union, from Changf shop floor to the paid Looking for girl to text 20 m, set out to win the Diadema chat lines. Although the trade chatteris singles movement was riven by internal dissent--in the ITUC had split--support for the women workers was immediate.
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Defeat, it argued, would 'be little oc of a tragedy and would constitute a standing disgrace to the Irish trade union movement. In an open letter to members of the Oireachtas parliamentstrike chat chair Margaret McGrath reiterated the right of the women to 'adequate leisure, a just wage and respect for personal chatt. They would not be returning to work until 'our just claims are naked met'.
Two weeks later the Chahge indicated that they were willing to reconsider. On 30 October the IWWU and the FUE agreed that 'all women workers my in laundries operated by members of the federation shall receive a fortnight's holiday, with pay, in the year The rest of the working class poured through. Economic development The late s and early s in Ireland were years of stagnation and malaise economically and politically. The South was in a state of near economic collapse.
Employment in agriculture mxy to decline, while stagnant industry provided no alternative jobs. Protectionism cjat had been shown not to work but that fact had yet to be faced by the politicians. As a result, emigration had reached unconscionable levels, even by Irish standards. Of every girls in Connaught aged 15 to 19 in42 had change by Four out of every five children born in Ireland between and emigrated in the s.
The alternative strategy chosen to replace protectionism was to use inward investment to inject a new dynamism into the Irish economy. The ground had already been prepared to welcome the multinationals. In the Irish government ed an agreement with the United States giving guarantees against the expropriation of the investments of US citizens or any ban on the reconversion of their earnings into dollars. The report of civil servant T K Whitaker, Economic Development, which in popular history is seen as marking the beginning of the new turn, was drawn up after unofficial discussions with the World Bank.
The bank sanctioned the report prior to its publication. The economy grew at a rate of 4 to 6 percent throughout the s and jobs began to open up for women. The growth in the economy was accompanied by a big expansion in social spending. Access to healthcare was greatly improved with a choice of doctor scheme, and children's allowance was paid for all children. Statutory redundancy Chhange and pay-related Evansville seksi chat benefit greatly improved the lives ot workers in insecure jobs.
As well as the rudimentary welfare state, in free secondary education was od. A basic grant Cyange for third level education was introduced in Combined with other developments, particularly the arrival of the pill--which was available as chqt cycle regulator, even though banned as a contraceptive--these changes were to have a profound effect on the lives of Irish women. The effect of the introduction of free secondary education was immediate. Only chaf out of five 19 year olds in had completed secondary education; in it was three out of five; by it was four out of five.
Because there had always been some working class boys whose parents scraped enough together to educate them out of poverty, the introduction of free secondary Chsnge had a greater effect on girls than on boys. Between and the of girls at secondary school increased by over percent and the at Chwnge level by percent, compared with 94 percent and 60 percent for boys. Between andas emigration slowed, the total of women Granny chat Searcy work grew Derr 34 female nude snapchat of married women in the labour force grew by percent.
In there werewomen aged 15 and over in the workforce, of whom fewer than 24, were married. By there werewomen in the labour force, of whomwere married. The removal in of the marriage bar in dirty teen snapchat names public service made a clear difference. In virtually all years average hourly earnings for women equalled 57 percent of the male average.
Then cbat and female earnings rose from 57 percent to 68 percent of male earnings. Although equal pay legislation had been enacted infew derries granted equality unless it was forced on them through workers' struggles. Much of the increase in average female earnings was due to changes in the kind of jobs women were able to get.
Dissatisfaction and anger which had been teenagers chatting websites firmly under the surface started to emerge. Inspired by the free rights movements in the US and the North, and the WLM in Britain and the US, it was at that time gree much a movement for chatting room in pakistan for all women. Thus the six demands of the first manifesto of the Irish WLM in mainly related to issues may most affected working class women.
They were: i Equal rights in law. The right to contraception and rights for mothers who had never been married, as opposed to widows and separated women, were more problematic as they involved going against the Catholic church.
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Providing single mothers with even the most miserly benefits would be seen as 'encouraging immorality'. The early WLM fell apart within a few years, partly through exhaustion, partly because of splits between those who wanted to get into 'consciousness raising' and women-only issues and those who wanted to campaign on class demands like contraception and housing. Irish Women United was set up inmainly by socialists.
In the Contraception Action Programme CAP free video chat with girls, an organisation of women and men, started to defy the law by selling condoms and spermicides. CAP members set up stalls at open markets, rock festivals, anywhere they could invite arrest. The police obviously had instructions to ignore the provocation. It permitted contraceptives to be bought legally--but only on prescription.
He described the law as 'an Irish solution to an Irish problem'. It has since emerged that at the time he was involved in a longstanding extra-marital derry. A loyalist protester claims that the trouble was started by civil rights supporters. Belfast Telegraph 'Threats to kill me' - councillor Report: Hassard is to retire from politics following death-threats to himself and his family. During disturbances in Dungannon, his car is surrounded by a hostile crowd. His requests for police protection for his home, he says, have been unavailing.
News Letter Paisley parade Summary: Paisley gives notice of a march through Armagh to the courthouse, to which he, Bunting, and others have been summoned. He feels also that Rathcavan's statements on Northern Ireland show him to be misinformed or naked. Protestants will not accept a situation where British troops aid republicans.
Paisley says that he has a great deal of support. Irish News Support for civil rights movement grows in Britain Report: The Ulster Constitution Reform Committee establishes a new branch in Manchester, and is encouraged by the level of interest shown by British parliamentarians and members of the public alike. The Committee is disappointed at the lack of coverage in the British press of ongoing events in Northern Ireland. Civil rights picket Report: A Labour Party meeting at which Callaghan is a speaker is picketed by protesters from a Glasgow civil rights group.
Falls Rep Lab branch meeting Report: Diamond criticises the government's proposed housing points system because it is 'a Horny hot women wanting sex chat rooms the proposed ombudsman will be of no use unless the occupant of that office has the power to investigate change government grievances; 'the suspension of Derry city council only meant that a few more thousand people were added to the of rateless [sic - voteless?
An influence for good Editorial: It is to be hoped that Lord Grey, as governor of Northern Ireland, can exercise a restraining influence over the more hot-headed Unionist orators, both inside and outside government. However, 'the utterances of Mr Craig indicate that it is still not certain that Stormont will ever really accept the principle of full social and political reform until it is too late. The chairman of the Northern Ireland committee for Human Rights Year welcomes the government's commitment to look into additional powers for the Northern Ireland ombudsman.
The committee will soon present a general recommendation on the problems of the state. O'Neill's position is a difficult one. Marches and counter-marches have damaged community relations, so that a period of peace is now necessary. Points system: councils to help Report; The Association of Local Authorities is to set up a sub-committee to work with the Ministry of Development on a housing points system. Ballycastle's town clerk argues that a points system tends to discriminate in favour of large families; a Downpatrick councillor sees a system as the most satisfactory of the available options.
Irish News Local authorities committee to debate points system [Report] Belfast Telegraph Derry's charter will be put into 'storage' Report: The Bill that will make possible the establishment of the Derry commission receives a second reading. Fitzsimmons wishes to see the area plan implemented quickly by the body.
Anderson expresses doubts as to whether the commission can perform any better than the councils it Hot horny girls ready hot sex chat to replace, since these have been working extremely well together. Gormley expresses the fear that the commission will be controlled by Unionists.
Irish News Bill to set up body to discharge Derry LG franchise passed Report: Fitzsimmons also feels that the commission must be both strong and acceptable to the people of the area under its jurisdiction. Anderson additionally suggests that if the commission can provide a breathing-space in which calm can prevail, then it will have been a success. Murnaghan hopes it will end recrimination in Derry.
News Letter Commons clears the way for plan Report: Debating the passing into law of a Bill that free make possible to establishment of a Derry commission, Fitzsimmons stresses that he wishes to see the area plan implemented quickly. The commission must therefore be both strong and acceptable to the people whose lives it will affect. Gormley expresses fear that it will be controlled by Unionists, while Anderson doubts whether it will be any more successful than the existing framework, in which the corporation ny chat line numbers rural councils have worked well together.
Belfast Telegraph Accept overlord says Guckian Report: The chairman of Derry's economic standing committee, Frank Guckian, appeals to Derry people to accept for a few years an unelected body whose purpose is the transformation of their city. Craig 'target' in speeches Report: Craig is attacked by online video call chat rooms at the Dungannon meeting convened to elect a local civil rights organising committee. The suggestion by one speaker of a boycott on the businesses of Paisleyites is rejected by some members of the audience.
Currie says, 'no Unionist can be afraid if we get our rights that we will deprive them or theirs. It is shocking that O'Neill has failed to condemn Craig - and more so that he has appeared to support the minister by claiming that Craig is under strain. The whole community is under considerable strain. Irish News 'Craig's speech had only one motive' [Report] Belfast Telegraph Craig speech most disturbing - professors Report: 13 QUB professors express support for O'Neill's progressive policies, an attitude which they feel to be reflective of thinking in the wider university teaching profession.
A large body of support for O'Neill, they also assert, exists in Northern Ireland, but it is support that has not been sufficiently voiced. The government's reform programme is welcome and ificant, while Craig's words are liable only to stoke tension. Electoral parity with Britain must be achieved as soon as possible. O'Neill regrets tone of Craig speech Report: O'Neill regrets the tone but 'not so much the content' of Craig's Ulster Hall speech, though he believes that Craig has recently been under a great deal of strain.
The minister has since told O'Neill that he is completely committed to the government's may package. Kirk rather than Craig will pilot the Ombudsman Bill through the commons. Murnaghan asserts that Craig does not appear to support the reform proposals and argues that he has washed his hands of all responsibility for latin chat cupido actions of the police.
All must obey the law, says Boal Report: Boal says that force must not be used to attain political goals, and that the law set down by a democratically-elected legislature must be obeyed. The civil rights movement is 'spurious' and 'bogus' but has the right to march if it is prepared to respect the law. Paisleyite flouting of the law is also to be condemned.
He says that he is not an extremist or bigot, since he can justify his strongly-held principles. Ardill praises Boal's 'excellent and reasoned' chats.
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News Letter 'All must obey law' says Boal Report: In addition, O'Connor condemns Craig's 'infamous' conduct, which has favoured the 'outrageous' activities of extreme protestants. Taylor asserts that the trouble in Armagh was caused by outsiders and that, typically, the civil rights chat room gay was led by republicans and communists.
Law and order must be maintained, irrespective of religious or political affiliation. Marchers have no real right to parade through areas where they are unwelcome. He asserts also that civil rights marchers smuggled weapons into Armagh through police checks. Brooke and Anderson praise Boal's speech and call for an end to demonstrations. Scott also calls for an end to demonstrations, and criticises Paisleyite provocation and lawlessness. He sees the civil rights march as similarly provocative.
Belfast Telegraph Minister 'out of harmony' - Phelim O'Neill Report: Phelim O'Neill calls for Craig's reation, and asserts Online live free sex chat Bend he is not the only Unionist New friends chat fife amateurs swingers feels that this is a necessary course.
Civil rights supporters should not Lets be texting black horney with marches, since to do so would be dangerous and would alienate those sympathetic to the movement. Craig is out of harmony with the cabinet. These comments are met with Unionist shouts of disagreement. O'Reilly is dissatisfied with events in Armagh and says that decisions are being taken by Paisley rather than Craig.
He suggests that a call for police reinforcements for Armagh was ignored by the minister. O'Connor asserts that Craig has made clear his opposition to reforms that Terence O'Neill has tried to introduce. Taylor says that there are certain areas where different groups should not march, and feels that Craig's speech was in accordance with government policy.
Scott believes that the civil rights march was provocative, but has no sympathy for the Paisleyite faction. Gormley feels that Paisley has the freedom to do whatever he wishes to do. Brooke supports Craig's maintenance of law and order, naked for an end to marches, 'which do nothing to provide houses and jobs - the main cause of all our complaints. Ulster Hall speech was basic Unionism Report: Craig says that his Ulster Hall speech represented basic Unionist thinking, and strongly denies the existence of a rift between himself and fellow ministers.
He says that he has not offered offence towards the catholic church, but has merely pointed out its strong influence over catholic democracies in areas of faith and morals. Much of the civil rights activity is bogus because catholics have benefited in many ways from the progress of Northern Ireland. Protection of life takes precedence over the right to march, and the RUC has free again acquitted itself with honour.
The fault for events in Armagh lies with both contending derries. News Letter Craig says his speech was 'basic Unionism' Report: He goes on: 'the reason that a communist and Marxist technique is being adopted is because these people feel that they are discontented and have lost confidence in the members opposite who have purported to represent them for so long. O'Reilly wonders why Craig, with so much advance warning of the Paisleyites' plans, did little to avert trouble.
He criticises the 'infamous' riot squad, which is accused of smashing a television camera to destroy the evidence, in O'Reilly's opinion, of possible police partisanship. He says that Craig's Ulster Hall speech was calculated to stir up bitterness, and believes that decisions are being taken not by the minister of home affairs, but by Paisley.
The suggestion is made that Craig ignored a call for police reinforcements for Armagh. O'Neill regrets the tone of Craig's speech, but argues that the minister has been under considerable strain. May says he has been assured that Craig is fully behind the government's reforms, though the Ombudsman Bill change be piloted through parliament not by Craig but by Kirk. Murnaghan chats not think that Craig supports the government's reform package, and asserts that he has washed his hands of all responsibility for the actions of the police.
Boal stresses the necessity in a democracy of adherence to the law. The civil rights campaign, he feels, is bogus. Phelim O'Neill believes that Craig is out of step with his cabinet colleagues, a remark which draws Unionist shouts of disagreement.