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Mano a mano. And the battle online was just as raucous as the debate on screen. Nothing says "for the many, not the few" quite like furiously retweeting a hashtag which implicitly asks you to consider not so much what the country can do for debaye, but what it might do for Jezza and, incidentally, the Labour leader's nickname also went briefly viral. Guys, we're pushing the WinForCorbyn hashtag tonight. They say Corbyn does not have public support.

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But are governments and tech companies doing enough to counter the danger? Two days before the attack, Australian Brenton Tarrant tweeted images of the weapons he was going to use. Half an hour before, he outlined what he was going to do in an online forum. A few minutes before, he ed a "manifesto" explaining why.

And as he began, he switched on a Facebook live stream for people around the world to watch. The attack on mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, in which more than 50 people were killed, was an act of violence foreshadowed online. Tarrant, who appeared in court in June to deny the charges, was a lone individual. But he was also someone who inhabited an internet-based international subculture, one slough free chat sites ideology is moving from the darker reaches of the internet into the political mainstream.

The fear is that room services and tech companies have been slow to deal with this growing new threat. He had spent the past few years travelling the world, venturing as far afield as North Debwte and Pakistan.

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A reconstruction of his travels shows he spent most of his time crisscrossing Europe, from Spain to the Balkans and almost every country in between. There, he would often stop off to visit sites with links to particular historic battles. His manifesto is rooted in Europe and its history, with references to age-old European battles to attempt to justify an attack carried out on the other side of the world.

In it, he also cites his time in France - where he describes seeing an "invasion" of immigrants - as having particularly affected him. At the manifesto's centre is the idea of something called the "great replacement" - a claim that "European" people are being replaced by Muslims despite free chat cam to cam from independent bodies such as the Pew Forum saying there is no of this happening in the coming decades.

Tarrant's exact movements in Austria are unknown but they remain a focus of much interest. This was the year the advance of Ottoman forces was stopped just outside the city. For some on the far-right, Austria has an almost mythical ificance as the front line in the war centuries ago between Christian Europe and the Muslim world.

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But there is another link between ;olitical and Austria. His manifesto is filled with in-jokes for those who inhabit a particular online subculture, with references to computer games and far-right memes. It's a of char man who lived much of his life online. And through this world he had become an admirer of Martin Sellnera young Chatavenue video social media influencer who plays a major role in Europe's new far-right ecosystem.

With his sharp haircut and trainers, he looks nothing like the traditional image of a far-right activist.

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The year-old is a leading figure in Generation Identity, the Austrian offshoot of the so-called identitarian movement, which is fiercely opposed to Muslim migrants, claiming that they threaten Europe's identity and will eventually replace the indigenous populations. The movement began in France in and has expanded to nine countries including Germany, Italy and the UK. He is happy to be interviewed about his cha, but the one issue he becomes uncomfortable talking about is his links to Brenton Tarrant.

Two chat with porn after the Christchurch attack, Sellner's home was raided when details of the donation came to light. As part of an investigation into a possible link between Tarrant and Sellner, computers and bank cards were seized.

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Sellner says he never met Tarrant, but admits they exchanged s after the donation. He condemned Tarrant as "misled" and "misguided" in a video soon after the attack. But those who worry about the far right argue that Tarrant's actions were a result of an ideology spread by people like Sellner. His online postings often focus on the threat of multiculturalism and the idea that Muslims will take over Europe. Dirty teens on snapchat tells me when he sees people in Vienna wearing hecarves, he doesn't see Austrians but people with a different identity.

It was culturally diverse, he acknowledges, but the real difference today, he says, is the birth rate. The phrase "it's the birth rate" is one repeated at the opening of Tarrant's manifesto and one that demographers challenge as based on false assumptions.

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This convergence of ideas is what le critics of Sellner to challenge his attempts to disassociate himself from the violence of Tarrant. Vienna, April Sellner makes no secret of the fact that when he was a teenager, he was immersed in Austria's neo-Nazi scene.

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But he says that as he matured, he realised how much it was driven by bitterness and hate, and so he embraced the new politics of identitiarianism. Over the past few years, cardiff chat has grown into a Europe-wide far-right youth network. Sellner asserts that he is not a racist but an "ethnopluralist" who believes that every culture has the right to maintain its own separate identity.

In practice, this means separation. But critics are sceptical of his personal transition from neo-Nazi.

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They say he has been smart enough to realise that certain views are just too unpalatable to have widespread appeal. Bernard Weidinger, who tracks the modern far right, tells me that identitarians have simply rebranded to reach anonymous sext chat new generation. So it made sense to modernise their appearance, to modernise the language and to some extent to also modernise their ideas. For example they don't speak of mass deportation - they speak of 're-migration'.

They say, 'we're not racist, we're ethnopluralist. For example, "re-migration" has moved into mainstream political discourse even though mass deportations would inevitably involve large-scale use of force by the state. Sellner is reluctant to explain how else large s of migrants would leave Austria. The Freedom Party's leader Heinz-Christian Strache, who became vice-chancellor after the election, has described politicaal his party was fighting a "replacement" of the native population.

In May, the coalition collapsed and the party is no longer part of the government. Sellner has pioneered the use of rkom media in the German-speaking far-right world, and researchers say that his influence extends well beyond Austria. He says that although Sellner disassociates himself from violence, there is a clear link. stranger chats

Sellner, however, describes himself an "information warrior" whose ambition is to use the online world to leverage real-world political change. He and others on the far right have been agile at exploiting the freedoms of the online world.

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Identitarian groups are highly networked, circulating ideas, learning from each other edbate adapting those ideas to their own national context. Sellner is engaged to the alt-right list of pornstar snapchat Brittany Pettibone, who has appeared with him in his YouTube videos. In JuneSellner posted a letter from the UK Home Office stating that he had been permanently denied entry to the UK because Generation Identity "actively promotes anti-Islamic and anti-immigration narratives".

Sellner was deemed to pose a "serious threat" to countering extremism and protecting shared values. But he has been to the UK in the past. In the autumn ofhe attended the launch of the UK branch of Generation Xhat. Sellner ed 15 people at a flat in Brixton, south London, to give a presentation and offer advice about tactics - particularly what to say if asked by the media if they were racists.

Also present was another Austrian, a woman of xebate the same age as Sellner. Julia Ebner had secured an invitation after having been interviewed over Skype and in person about her political views. But the woman who turned up in the blonde wig that night was no identitarian. She was undercover.

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Undercover Ebner came to the UK in and began researching jihadist online propaganda. She switched focus after the murder in of the MP Jo Cox by a far-right loner. A court would later hear how he had researched Nazi and white supremacist groups online. Ebner quickly began to notice parallels between online jihadist groups and those of the far right, both in their tactics and their discussions of the inevitability of conflict between Muslims and non-Muslims.

In her office in central London, Ebner video chat rooms free such situations as "quite scary" given how "hyper-suspicious" the groups are about infiltrators. Most of her time, however, is spent infiltrating the online world, going beyond the open sites and delving into private chat rooms and closed conversations.

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She creates "avatar s" - false identities - to gain access to encrypted, invite-only channels. She has had to familiarise herself teen advice chat cultural references and insider jokes to evade detection, and is often "vetted" - either by interview, or via social media s. The more extreme the group, the tougher the vetting. Once she was asked to provide of a genetic test to show hot chatlines ancestry and prove that she was racially "pure".

She submitted fakeshe says. As Ebner takes me into the far-right online, links to dozens of groups from around the world fill the screen. These groups cooperate in what she calls "network nationalism". A US group, for example, may create a content-sharing platform with a bank of anti-immigrant memes that can then be adapted by other groups in different countries. This ecosystem is inhabited by a bewildering array of groups - from national neo-Nazis, often defined by anti-semitism, to newer groups focusing on Western and European identity, which tend to identify Muslims as a threat.

YouTube and Instagram are used to try to reach a large mainstream audience. This is where the simply curious might come across far-right content.

It is also where algorithms play an important role since they direct people to content judged free to message dating sites knoxville to keep them on the platform. Some of those who engage debate extremist content will be offered a link to take them to the next level - often an invite-only encrypted messaging app. Telegram, for example, which was used by the Islamic State group, is popular with the far right.

Such groups can also find a safe haven on libertarian sites, such as deabte message boards 4chan, 8chan, and Gab. A spokesperson for Gab said it protected all speech allowed under the US constitution: "Gab doesn't condone room speech, and our lives would be a lot easier if people wouldn't political it on our site, but in order to adhere to our principle the site must allow it. Discord, an chat deed for gamers to communicate, is one that she has been particularly watching. Here, some groups have loose, decentralised chat groups, while others maintain strict hierarchies and control, echoing military structure.

Membership of the various groups ranges from debtae handful to about 20, Ebner says that recruiters tailor their messages depending on where they are: "To recruit people from the gaming community, they would use a very "gamified" approach.

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When trying to recruit someone from the ultra-libertarian platforms, they would emphasise topics around freedom of speech. When trying to lure people from the conspiracy networks into their far-right channels, they would immediately reference those conspiracy theories. And they demonstrate an understanding of their young audience. According to Ebner, this might involve influencing political debate by pushing a subject like migration into the top online trends in Germany. On the screen she shows me a Generation Identity-affiliated group discussion on Discord, about the printing of 40, fliers vebate a forthcoming election.

Charlottesville Ebner says the first time she saw online communities organise real-world events was webcam sex chat room of a "Unite the Right" rally in the US city of Charlottesville, in August August It became one of the largest such gatherings in the US in decades and drew hundreds of neo-Nazis, white nationalists and Ku Klux Klan members.